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Re: [ox-en] The Ideology of Free Culture and the Grammar of Sabotage



Matteo,

I enjoyed your paper, especially the parts about a general lack of
realism when it comes to considering the importance of the physical
means of production in the 'online' world.

I agree the misuse of profit is a parasitic problem.  I consider it
bacterial usury, with a possible solution being "viral freedom".  This
is a reaction to Steve Ballmer's (CEO of Microsoft) claim that the GNU
GPL is a cancer.

You might enjoy my characterization of that notion with Richard
Stallman as the head of a T4 virus at
http://ecocomics.org/.data/viru.jpg


Patrick Anderson


On Sat, Jan 26, 2008 at 12:33 PM, Matteo Pasquinelli <matml gmx.it> wrote:

 Dear friends, I send my last essay to this list as it covers many
 issues debated in the last days. It is actually an extract of a
 forthcoming book (autumn 2008) for the Studies in Network Cultures (a
 book series of the Institute of Network Cultures published by NAi
 Publishers, Rotterdam). Please download the printer-friendly PDF.
 Best /M


 ------


 Matteo Pasquinelli
 The Ideology of Free Culture and the Grammar of Sabotage

 http://www.rekombinant.org/docs/Ideology-of-Free-Culture.pdf
 http://www.rekombinant.org/mat


 Abstract. Bringing post-Operaismo into network culture, this text
 tries to introduce the notion of surplus in a contemporary media
 debate dominated by a simple symmetry between immaterial and material
 domain, between digital economy and bioeconomy. Therefore a new
 asymmetry is first shaped through Serres' conceptual figure of the
 parasite and Bataille's concepts of excess and biochemical energy.
 Second, the crisis of the copyright system and the contradictions of
 the so-called Free Culture movement are taken as a starting point to
 design the notion of autonomous commons against the creative commons.
 Third, a new political arena is outlined around Rullani's cognitive
 capitalism and the new theory of rent developed by Negri and
 Vercellone. Finally, the sabotage is shown as the specular gesture of
 the multitudes to defend the commons against the parasitic dimension
 of rent.

 * The living energy of machines.
 * Michel Serres and the cybernetic parasite
 * Digitalism: the impasse of media culture
 * The ideology of Free Culture
 * Against the Creative Anti-Commons
 * Towards an Autonomous Commons
 * Rent is the other side of the Commons
 * The four dimensions of cognitive capitalism
 * A taxonomy of the immaterial parasites
 * The bicephalous multitude
 * The grammar of sabotage


 ------






           The parasite invents something new. He
           obtains energy and pays for it in information.
           He obtains the roast and pays for it with
           stories. Two days of writing the new contract.
           He establishes an unjust pact; relative to the
           old type of balance, he builds a new one. He
           speaks in a logic considered irrational up to
           now, a new epistemology and a new theory
           of equilibrium. He makes the order of things
           as well as the states of things - solid and gas
           - into diagonals. He evaluates information.
           Even better: he discovers information in his
           voice and good words; he discovers the Spirit
           in the wind and the breath of air. He invents
           cybernetics.
           - Michel Serres, The Parasite






 The living energy of machines: Michel Serres and the cybernetic parasite

 Below technology, there is energy - living energy. In The Accursed
 Share Bataille described society as the management of energy surplus
 that constantly reincarnates itself in new forms of state and economy.
 1 Being consequent with his intuition, even the contemporary
 mediascape can be framed as an ecosystem driven by the growth of
 natural energies. Media are indeed feral habitats whose underground
 belly is crossed daily by large torrents of pornography and whose
 surface provides the battlefield for geopolitical warfare. Media are
 fed by the same excess of energy that shapes economy and social
 conflicts. But has the energy surplus of media ever been described in
 an effective way? If not, which understanding of energy is
 unconsciously employed by the schools of media criticism? What is the
 role of technology in the production, consumption and sacrifice of
 surplus? And exactly what kinds of surplus are involved: energy,
 libido, value, money, information? Looking at today's media
 discourse, Bataille is enrolled only to justify a sort of digital
 potlatch - a furious but sterile reproduction of digital copies. On
 the contrary, under his "general economy," energy seems to float
 around and inside the machines, crossing and feeding a multitude of
 devices. To overcome an endogamic destiny media culture should be
 redesigned around a radical understanding of surplus. Bataille
 himself considered technology as an extension of life to accumulate
 energy and provide better conditions for reproduction. Like "tree
 branches and bird wings in nature" technology opens news spaces to be
 populated.2 However something new happened when information networks
 entered the biosphere. What kind of energy do digital machines
 incarnate? Are they a further extension of biochemical energy like
 the classical technologies that Bataille had in mind? Digital
 machines are a clear bifurcation of the machinic phylum: semiotic and
 biologic domains represent two different strata. The energy of
 semiotic flows is not the energy of material and economical flows.
 They interact but not in a symmetrical and specular way, as
 propagated by the widespread digital ideology (that I will introduce
 later as digitalism).
       Energy always flows one way. Acquainted with the scenario of
 the network society and the celebration of its space of flows,3 a
 safari with Bataille along the ecosystems of excess is useful to
 remind the dystopian nature of capitalism. In Bataille economic
 surplus is strictly related to libidinal excess, enjoyment and
 sacrifice. Yet between endless fluxes and their "glorious
 expenditure"4 a specific model that explains how surplus is
 accumulated and exchange is missing. In his inspiring and seminal
 book The parasite Michel Serres catches the asymmetry of universal
 life in the conceptual figure of the parasite: there is never an
 equal exchange of energy but always a parasite stealing energy and
 feeding on another organism. At the beginning of the computer age
 (the book was published in 1980), the parasite inaugurates a
 materialistic critique of all the forms of thought based on a binary
 model of energy: Serres' semiconductors steal energy instead of
 computing.

 Man is a louse for other men. Thus man is a host for other men. The
 flow goes one way, never the other. I call this semiconduction, this
 valve, this single arrow, this relation without a reversal of
 direction, "parasitic."5

 If Bataille calls attention to the expenditure of energy after its
 production, Serres shows how "abuse" is at work since accumulation:
 "abuse appears before use." Serres introduces an abuse-value
 preceding both use-value and exchange-value: "quite simply, it is the
 arrow with only one direction." The parasite is the asymmetrical
 arrow absorbing and condensing energy in a natural continuum from
 small organisms to human beings: "the parasite parasites the
 parasites." The parasite is not binary but ternary. The concept of
 parasite appears like a dystopian version of Deleuze and Guattari's
 desiring machines, as it is focused more on surplus exploitation than
 on endless flows. Serres shares the same vitalism of Bataille, but
 provides in addition a punctual model to understand the relation
 between material and immaterial, biologic and semiotic, economy and
 media. In this sense the organic model of the parasite should be
 embraced as the core concept of a new understanding of media
 ecosystems.6 Indeed Serres prophetically introduced cybernetics as
 the latest manifestation of the parasitic food chain (as the opening
 quote of this text reminds).
        Moreover, Serres uses the same parasitic model for intellectual
 labour and the network itself (as Technology is an extension of the
 deceptive nature of Logos): "this cybernetics gets more and more
 complicated, makes a chain, then a network. Yet it is founded on the
 theft of information, quite a simple thing." Serres' opportunistic
 relation between intellectual and material production may sound
 traditionalist, but even when Lazzarato and Negri started to write in
 1991 about the "hegemony of intellectual labour"7, the exploitive
 dimension of capital over mass intellectuality was clear. Today the
 immaterial parasite has become molecular and endemic - everybody is
 carrying an intellectual and cybernetic parasite. In this scenario
 what happens to the notion of multitude when intellectual labour
 enters the political arena in the form of a parasite? What happens to
 network subcultures when the network is outlined as a massive
 cybernetic parasite? It is time to re-introduce a sharp asymmetry
 between the semiotic, technological and biological levels, between
 material and immaterial.
        By the conceptual figure of the immaterial parasite I name precisely
 the exploitation of the biological production through the semiotic
 and technological domain: material energy and economic surplus are
 not absorbed and consumed by digital machines but simply allocated.
 The immaterial flow extracts surplus from the material flow and
 through continuous exchanges (energy-commodity-technology-knowledge-
 money). The immaterial parasite functions first as a spectacular
 device: simulating a fictional world, building a collaborative
 environment or simply providing communication channels, it
 accumulates energy through and in favour of its physical substratum.
 The immaterial parasite belongs to a diverse family, where rents
 seems to be the dominant form of metabolism. It survives in different
 kinds of habitat. Its tentacles innervate the metropolis (real estate
 speculation through the Creative Industries hype), the media (rent
 over material infrastructures and monopoly of online spaces),
 software (exploitation of Free Software to sell proprietary
 hardware), knowledge (revenues on intellectual property), financial
 markets (stock exchange speculation over collective hysteria) and
 many other examples.



 Digitalism: the impasse of media culture

 Digitalism is a sort of modern, egalitarian and cheap gnosis, where
 knowledge fetishism has been replaced by the cult of a digital
 network.8 Like a religious sect it has its peculiar theology.
 Ontologically the dominant techno-paradigm believes that the semiotic
 and biologic domains are perfectly parallel and specular to each
 other (like in the Google utopia of universal digitisation). A
 material event can be easily translated on the immaterial plane, and
 conversely the immaterial can be embodied into the material. This
 second passage is the passage of a millenary misunderstanding and
 anthropology has a lot to say about the relation between magic and
 logocentrism. Economically digitalism believes that an almost energy-
 free digital reproduction of data can emulate the energy-expensive
 material production. For sure the digital can dematerialise any kind
 of communication but it can not affect biomass production.
 Politically digitalism believes in a mutual gift economy. Internet is
 supposed to be virtually free of any exploitation and tends naturally
 towards a social equilibrium. Here digitalism works as an disembodied
 politics with no acknowledgement of the offline labour that is
 sustaining the online world (a class divide that precedes any digital
 divide). Ecologically digitalism promotes itself as an
 environmentally friendly and zero emission machinery against the
 pollution of the old Fordism. Yet it seems that an avatar on Second
 Life consumes more electricity that the average Brazilian.9
        As Marx spotlighted commodity fetishism right at the beginning of
 Capital, a fetishism of code should be put at the basis of the
 network economy. "God is the machine" was the title of Kevin Kelly's
 digitalist manifesto whose points proclaimed distinctly: computation
 can describe all things, all things can compute, all computation is
 one.10 Digitalism is one of those political models inspired by
 technology and not by social conflicts. As McLuhan once said, "We
 shape our tools, and afterwards our tools shape us."11 Internet in
 particular was fuelled by the political dreams of the American
 counter-culture of the '60s. Today according to the Autonomist
 Marxist tradition12 the network is at the same time the structure of
 the Empire and the tool for the self-organisation of the multitudes.
 But only the Anglo-American culture conceived the faith in the
 primacy of technology over politics. If today activists apply the
 Free Software model to traditional artefacts and talk of  a "GPL
 society"13 and  "P2P production"14 the do so precisely because they
 believe in a pure symmetry of the technological over the social. In
 this sense the definition of Free Culture gathers all those
 subcultures that shaped a quasi-political agenda around the free
 reproduction of digital file. The kick-off was the slogan
 "Information wants to be free"15 launched by Stewart Brand at the
 first Hackers' Conference in 1984. Later the hacker underground
 boosted the Free Software movement and then a chain of new keywords
 was generated: Open Source, Open Content, Gift Economy, Digital
 Commons, Free Cooperation, Knowledge Sharing and other do-it-yourself
 variants like Open Source Architecture, Open Source Art and so on.
 "Free Culture" is also the title of the book of Lawrence Lessing,
 founder of Creative Commons. Without mentioning the social
 improvements and crucial battles of the Free Software movement within
 the digital sphere, what it is questioned here is the off-line
 application of these paradigms.
       An old saying still resounds: the word is made flesh. A
 religious unconscious is at work behind technology. Florian Cramer in
 his book Words made flesh16 provides a genealogy of code culture
 rooted in the ancient brainframes of Western world belonging to
 Judaism, Christianity, Pythagoreans and Hermeticism. However, as
 Serres may suggest, the primordial saying must be reversed: the flesh
 is made code. The spirit itself is a parasitic strategy of the flesh.
 The flesh is first, before the Logos. There is nothing digital in any
 digital dream. Merged with a global economy, each bit of "free"
 information carries its own micro slave like a forgotten twin.



 The ideology of Free Culture

 Literature on freeculturalism is vast but can be partially unpacked
 through focusing the lens of surplus. Reading authors like Stallman
 and Lessig, a question rises: where does profit end up in the so-
 called Free Society? Free Culture seems to focus only on the issue of
 immaterial property rather than production. Although given a closer
 look, the ghost of the surplus reappears. In his book Free Culture
 Lawrence Lessig connect the Creative Commons initiative to the Anglo-
 American libertarian tradition where free speech always rhymes with
 free market.17 Lessig takes inspiration from the copyleft and hacker
 culture quoting Richard Stallman,18 but where the latter refers only
 to software, Lessig applies that paradigm to the whole spectrum of
 cultural artefacts. Software is taken as an universal political
 model. The book is a useful critique of the copyright regime and at
 the same time an apology of a generic digital freedom, at least until
 Lessig pronounces the evil word: taxation. Facing the crisis of the
 music industries, Lessig has to provide his "alternative compensation
 system"19 to reward creators for their works. Lessig modifies a
 proposal coming from Harvard law professor William Fisher:

 Under his plan, all content capable of digital transmission would (1)
 be marked with a digital watermark [...]. Once the content is marked,
 then entrepreneurs would develop (2) systems to monitor how many
 items of each content were distributed. On the basis of those
 numbers, then (3) artists would be compensated. The compensation
 would be paid for by (4) an appropriate tax.

 In the "tradition of free culture" the solution is paradoxically a
 new tax. Tracking internet downloads and taxation imply a public and
 centralised intervention quite unusual for US and imaginable only in
 a Scandinavian social-democracy. The question remains unclear. More
 explicitly another passage suggests the sacrifice of intellectual
 property to gain a larger internet. Here Lessig's intuition is right
 (for capitalism). Lessig is aware that the market needs a dynamic and
 self-generating space to expand and establish new monopolies and
 rents. A dynamic space is more important than a lazy copyright regime.

 Is it better (a) to have a technology that is 95 percent secure and
 produces a market of size x, or (b) to have a technology that is 50
 percent secure but produces a market of five times x? Less secure
 might produce more unauthorized sharing, but it is likely to also
 produce a much bigger market in authorized sharing. The most
 important thing is to assure artists' compensation without breaking
 the Internet.

 In this sense Creative Commons licences help to expand and lubricate
 the space of market. As John Perry Barlow puts it: "For ideas, fame
 is fortune. And nothing makes you famous faster than an audience
 willing to distribute your work for free."20 Despite of its political
 dreams, the friction-free space of digitalism seems to accelerate
 towards an even more competitive scenario. In this sense Benkler in
 his The Wealth of Networks is absolutely wrong when he writes that
 "information is nonrival." The nonrivalry of information is another
 important postulate of freeculturalism: Lessig and Benkler take for
 granted that the free digital reproduction does not cause more
 competition but only more cooperation. Of course rivalry is not
 produced by digital copies but by their friction on real space and
 other limited resources. Benkler celebrates "peer production" but
 actually he is merely covering immaterial reproduction. Free Software
 and Wikipedia are extensively over-quoted as the main examples of
 "social production" but these examples actually only points to online
 social production.



 Against the Creative Anti-Commons

 After an initial honey-moon the Creative Commons (CC) initiative is
 facing a growing criticism that comes especially from the European
 media culture. Scouting articles from 2004 to 2006, two fronts of
 critique can be distinguished: those who claim the institution of a
 real commonality against Creative Commons restrictions (non-
 commercial, share-alike, etc.) and those who point out Creative
 Commons complicity with global capitalism. An example of the first
 front, Florian Cramer provides a precise and drastic analysis:

 To say that something is available under a CC license is meaningless
 in practice. [...] Creative Commons licenses are fragmented, do not
 define a common minimum standard of freedoms and rights granted to
 users or even fail to meet the criteria of free licenses altogether,
 and that unlike the Free Software and Open Source movements, they
 follow a philosophy of reserving rights of copyright owners rather
 than granting them to audiences.21

 Berlin-based Neoist Anna Nimus agrees with Cramer that CC licences
 protect only the producers while consumer rights are left
 unmentioned: "Creative Commons legitimates, rather than denies,
 producer-control and enforces, rather than abolishes, the distinction
 between producer and consumer. It expands the legal framework for
 producers to deny consumers the possibility to create use-value or
 exchange-value out of the common stock."22 Nimus claims the total
 freedom for consumers to produce use-value out of the common stock
 (like in Free Software) but more important to produce even exchange-
 value (that means commercial use). For Nimus a commons is defined by
 its productive consumers and not merely by its producers or passive
 consumers. She claims that CC licences close the commons with many
 restrictions rather than opening it to a real productivity. In a new
 nickname, they are "Creative Anti-Commons."
       Both Nimus and Cramer's critiques remain closer to the
 libertarian tradition with few accounts of the surplus-value
 extraction and big economy behind IP (in any form: copyright,
 copyleft or CC). On the opposite among post-Autonomist Marxists a
 stronger criticism is moved against the ideology implicitly pushed by
 CC and other forms of a digital-only commonism. For instance activist
 Martin Hardie thinks that "The logic of FLOSS seems only to promise a
 new space for entrepreneurial freedom where we are never exploited or
 subject to others' command. The sole focus upon 'copyright freedom'
 sweeps away consideration of the processes of valorisation active
 within the global factory without walls."23 Hardie criticise FLOSS
 precisely because it never questions the way it is captured by
 capital and its relations with the productive forces.
       In conclusion a tactical notion of autonomous commons can be
 imagined to include new projects and tendencies against the hyper-
 celebrated Creative Commons. In a schematic way, autonomous commons
 1) allow not only passive and personal consumption but even a
 productive use of the common stock - implying commercial use by
 single workers; 2) question the role and complicity of the commons
 within the global economy and put the common stock out of the
 exploitation of large companies; 3) are aware of the asymmetry
 between immaterial and material commons and the impact of immaterial
 accumulation over material  production (e.g. IBM using Linux); 4)
 consider the commons as an hybrid and dynamic space that dynamically
 must be built and defended.



 Towards an Autonomous Commons

 Among all the appeals for "real" commons only Dmytri Kleiner's idea
 of 'Copyfarleft' condenses the nodal point of the conflict in a
 pragmatic proposal that breaks the flat paradigm of Free Culture. In
 his article "Copyfarleft and Copyjustright"24 Kleiner notices a
 property divide that is more crucial than any digital divide: the 10%
 of the world population owns the 85% of the global assets against a
 multitude of people owning barely nothing. This material dominion of
 the owning class is consequently extended thanks to the copyright
 over immaterial assets, so that they can be owned, controlled and
 traded. In the case of music for example the intellectual property is
 more crucial for the owning class than for musicians, as they are
 forced to resign their author rights over their own works. On the
 other side the digital commons do not provide a better habitat:
 authors are sceptical that copyleft can earn them a living. In the
 end wage conditions of the authors within cognitive capitalism seem
 to follow the same old laws of Fordism. Moving from Ricardo's
 definition of rent and the so-called "Iron Law of Wages"25 Kleiner
 develops the "iron law of copyright earnings."

 The system of private control of the means of publication,
 distribution, promotion and media production ensures that artists and
 all other creative workers can earn no more than their subsistence.
 Whether you are biochemist, a musician, a software engineer or a film-
 maker, you have signed over all your copyrights to property owners
 before these rights have any real financial value for no more than
 the reproduction costs of your work. This is what I call the Iron Law
 of Copyright Earnings.

 Kleiner recognizes that both copyright and copyleft regimes keep
 workers earnings constantly below average needs. In particular
 copyleft does not help neither software developers nor artists as it
 reallocates profit only in favour of the owners of material assets.
 The solution advanced by Kleiner is copyfarleft, a license with a
 hybrid status that recognises class divide and allow workers to claim
 back the "means of production." Copyfarleft products are free and can
 be used to make money only by those who do not exploit wage labour
 (like other workers or co-ops).

 For copyleft to have any revolutionary potential it must be
 Copyfarleft. It must insist upon workers ownership of the means of
 production. In order to do this a license cannot have a single set of
 terms for all users, but rather must have different rules for
 different classes. Specifically one set of rules for those who are
 working within the context of workers ownership and commons based
 production, and another for those who employ private property and
 wage labour in production.

 For example "under a copyfarleft license a worker-owned printing
 cooperative could be free to reproduce, distribute, and modify the
 common stock as they like, but a privately owned publishing company
 would be prevented from having free access". Copyfarleft is quite
 different from the 'non-commercial' use supported by some CC licences
 because they do not distinguish between endogenic (within the
 commons) commercial use and exogenic (outside the commons) commercial
 use. Kleiner suggests to introduce an asymmetry: endogenic commercial
 use should be allowed while keeping exogenic commercial use
 forbidden. Interestingly this is the correct application of the
 original institution of the commons, that were strictly related to
 material production: commons were land used by a specific community
 to harvest or breed their animals. If someone can not pasture cows
 and produce milk, that will not  be considered a real common. Kleiner
 says that if money can not be made out of it, a work does not belong
 to the commons: it is merely private property.



 Rent is the other side of the Commons

 How does cognitive capitalism make money? Where does a digital
 economy extract surplus? While digerati and activists are stuck to
 the glorification of peer production, good managers but also good
 Marxists are aware of the profits made on the shoulders of the
 collective intelligence. For instance the school of post-Operaismo
 has always carried on a dystopian vision of the general intellect
 produced by workers and digital multitudes: it is potentially
 liberating but constantly absorbed before turning into a true social
 autonomy. The cooperation celebrated by freeculturalists is only the
 last stage of long process of socialisation of knowledge that is not
 improving the life conditions of the last digital generations: in the
 end online "free labour"26 appears to be more dominant than the
 "wealth of networks." The theory of rent recently advanced by the
 post-Operaist school can disclose the digital economy more clearly.
        Autonomist Marxism has become renown for shaping a new toolbox of
 political concepts for the late capitalism (such as multitude,
 immaterial labour, biopolitical production and cognitive capitalism
 to name only a few). In an article27 published in 2007 in Posse Negri
 and Vercellone make a further step: they establish rent as the nodal
 mechanism of contemporary economy thus opening a new field of
 antagonism. Until then Autonomist Marxism has been used to focus more
 on the transformations of the labour conditions than on the new
 parasitic modes of surplus extraction. In classical theory rent is
 distinguished from profit. Rent is the parasitic income an owner can
 earn just by owning an asset and traditionally is referred to land
 property. Profit on the contrary is meant to be productive and is
 referred to the power of capital to generate and extract surplus
 (from commodity value and workforce). 28 Vercellone criticises the
 idea of a "good productive capitalism" pointing the becoming rent of
 profit as the driving force of current economy: below the hype of
 technological innovation and creative economy, the whole of
 capitalism is breeding a subterranean parasitic nature. So
 Vercellone's motto goes "rent is the new profit" in cognitive
 capitalism. Rent is parasitic because it is orthogonal to the line of
 the classic profit. Parasite means etymologically "eating at
 another's table," sucking surplus not directly but in a furtive way.
 If we produce freely in front of our computers, certainly somebody
 has his hands in our wallet. Rent is the other side of the commons -
 once it was over the common land, today over the network commons.
       Becoming rent of profit means a transformation of management
 and cognitive workforce too. The autonomisation of capital has grown
 in parallel with the autonomisation of cooperation. Today managers
 are dealing more and more often with financial and speculative tasks,
 while workers are in charge of a distributed management. In this
 evolution the cognitariat is split into two tendencies. On one side
 the high-skilled cognitive workers become "functionaries of the
 capital rent"29 and are co-opted within the rent system through stock
 options. On the other side the majority of workers faces a declassing
 (declassement) of life conditions despite skills get more and more
 rich in knowledge. It is not a mystery that the New Economy has
 generated more McJobs. This model can be easily applied to the
 internet economy and its workforce, where users are in charge of
 content production and web management but do not share any profit.
 Big corporations like Google for instance make money over the
 attention economy of the user-generated content with its services
 Adsense and Adwords. Google provides just a light infrastructure for
 web advertisement that infiltrates websites as a subtle and mono-
 dimensional parasite and extracts profit without producing any
 content. Part of the value is shared of course with users and the
 Google coders are paid in stock options to develop more sophisticated
 algorithms.



 The four dimensions of cognitive capitalism

 The digital revolution made the reproduction of immaterial objects
 easier, faster, ubiquitous and almost free. But as the Italian
 economist Enzo Rullani points out, within cognitive capitalism,
 "proprietary logic does not disappear but has to subordinate itself
 to the law of diffusion."30 Intellectual property (and so rent) is no
 longer based on space and objects but on time and speed. Apart from
 copyright there are many other modes to extract rent. In his book
 Economia della conoscenza  Rullani writes that cognitive products
 easy to reproduce have to start a process of diffusion as soon as
 possible in order to maintain control over it. As an entropic
 tendency affects any cognitive product, it is not recommended to
 invest on a static proprietary rent. More specifically there is a
 rent produced on the multiplication of the uses and a rent produced
 on the monopoly of a secret. Two opposite strategies: the former is
 recommended for cultural products like music, the latter for patents.
 Rullani is inclined to suggest that free multiplication is a vital
 strategy within cognitive capitalism, as the value of knowledge is
 fragile and tends to decline. Immaterial commodities (that populate
 any spectacular, symbolic, affective, cognitive space) seem to suffer
 of a strong entropic decay of meaning. At the end of the curve of
 diffusion a banal destiny is waiting for any meme, especially in
 today's emotional market that constantly tries to sell unique and
 exclusive experiences.
       For Rullani the value of a knowledge (extensively of any
 cognitive product, artwork, brand, information) is given by the
 composition of three drivers: the value of its performance and
 application (v); the number of its multiplications and replica (n);
 the sharing rate of the value among the people involved in the
 process (p). Knowledge is successful when it becomes self-propulsive
 and pushes all the three drivers: 1) maximising the value, 2)
 multiplying effectively, 3) sharing the value that is produced. Of
 course in a dynamic scenario a compromise between the three forces is
 necessary, as they are alternative and competitive to each other. If
 one driver improves, the others get worse. Rullani's model is
 fascinating precisely because intellectual property has no central
 role in extracting surplus. In other words the rent is applied
 strategically and dynamically along the three drivers, along
 different regimes of intellectual property. Knowledge is therefore
 projected into a less fictional cyberspace, a sort of invisible
 landscape where cognitive competition should be described along new
 space-time coordinates.31 Rullani describe his model as 3D but
 actually it is 4-dimensional as it runs especially along time.
       The dynamic model provided by Rullani is more interesting than
 for instance Benkler's plain notion of "social production" but it is
 not yet employed by radical criticism and activism. What is clear and
 important in his perspective is also that the material can not be
 replaced by the immaterial despite the contemporary hypertrophy of
 signs and digital enthusiasm. There is a general misunderstanding
 about cognitive economy as an autonomous and virtuous space. On the
 contrary, Rullani points out that knowledge exists only through
 material vectors. The nodal point is the friction between the free
 reproducibility of knowledge and the non-reproducibility of the
 material. The immaterial generates value only if it grants meaning to
 a material process. A music CD for example has to be physically
 produced and physically consumed. We need our body and especially our
 time to produce and consume music. And when the CD vector is
 dematerialised thanks to the evolution of digital media into P2P
 networks, the body of the artist has to be engaged in a stronger
 competition. Have digital media galvanised more competition or more
 cooperation? An apt question for today's internet criticism.



 A taxonomy of the immaterial parasites

 A taxonomy of rent and its parasites is needed to describe the
 cognitive capitalism in detail. Taxonomy is not merely a metaphor as
 cognitive systems tend to behave like living systems.32 According to
 Vercellone, a specific form of rent introduced by cognitive
 capitalism is the cognitive rent that is captured over intellectual
 property such as patents, copyrights and trademarks. More precisely
 Rullani contextualises the new forms of rent within a speed-based
 competitive scenario. He shows how rent can be extracted dynamically
 along mobile and temporary micro-monopolies, skipping the limits of
 intellectual property.
       The possibility of the cognitive rent has been strictly
 determined by the technological substratum. Digital technologies have
 opened new spaces of communication, socialisation and cooperation
 that are only virtually "free." The surplus extraction is channelled
 generously along the material infrastructure needed to sustain the
 immaterial "second life." Technological rent33 is the rent applied on
 the ICT infrastructures when they established a monopoly on media,
 bandwidth, protocols, standards, software or virtual spaces
 (including the recent social networks: Myspace, Facebook, etc.). It
 is composed by different layers: from the materiality of hardware and
 electricity to the immateriality of the software running a server, a
 blog, a community. The technological rent is fed by general
 consumption and social communication, by P2P networks and the
 activism of Free Culture. The technological rent is different from
 the cognitive one as it is based on the exploitation of (material and
 immaterial) spaces and not only knowledge. Similarly attention
 economy34 can also be described as an attention rent applied on the
 limited resource of the consumer time-space. In the society of the
 spectacle and pervasive media the attention economy is responsible of
 the commodity valorisation at a large degree. The attention time of
 consumers is a like a scarce piece of land that is constantly
 disputed. At the end the technological rent is a large part of the
 metabolism sustaining the techno-parasite.
       It is well known how the new economy hype was a driver of the
 speculation over stock markets. The dot-com bubble exploited a spiral
 of virtual valorisation channelled across the internet and the new
 spaces of communication. More generally the whole finance world is
 based on rent. Financialisation is precisely the name of rent that
 parasites domestic savings.35 Today even wages are directly enslaved
 by the same mechanism: workers are paid in stock options and so
 fatally co-opted in the destiny of the owning capital. Finally even
 the primordial concept of land rent has been updated by cognitive
 capitalism. As the relation between artistic underground and
 gentrification show, real estate speculation is strictly related to
 the "collective symbolic capital" of a physical place (as defined by
 David Harvey in his essay "The Art of Rent"36). Today both historical
 symbolic capital (like in Berlin or Barcelona) and artificial
 symbolic capital (like in Richard Florida's marketing campaigns37)
 are exploited by real estate speculation on a massive scale.
       All these types of rent are immaterial parasites. The parasite
 is immaterial as the rent is produced dynamically along the virtual
 extensions of space, time, communication, imagination, desire. The
 parasite is indeed material as the value is transmitted through
 physical vectors like commodities in the case of cognitive rent and
 attention rent, media infrastructure in the case of technological
 rent, real estate in the case of the speculation over symbolic
 capital, etc. (only the financial speculation is a completely
 dematerialised machine of value). The awareness of the parasitic
 dimension of technology should inaugurate the decline of the old
 digitalist media culture in favour of a new dystopian cult of the
 techno-parasite.



 The bicephalous multitude and the grammar of sabotage

 Many of the subcultures and political schools emerged around
 knowledge and network paradigms (from Free Culture to the 'creative
 class' and even many radical readings of these positions) do not
 acknowledge cognitive capitalism as a conflictive and competitive
 scenario. Paolo Virno is one of the few authors to underline the
 "amphibious" nature of the multitude, that is cooperative as well as
 aggressive if not struggling "within itself."38 The Bildung of an
 autonomous network is not immediate and easy. As Geert Lovink and Ned
 Rossiter put it: "Networks thrive on diversity and conflict (the
 notworking), not on unity, and this is what community theorists are
 unable to reflect upon."39 Lovink and Rossiter notice that
 cooperation and collective intelligence have their own grey sides.
 Online life especially is dominated by passivity. Digitalism itself
 can be described as a sublimation of the collective desire for a pure
 space and at the same time as the grey accomplice of a parasitic mega-
 machine. A new theory of the negative must be established around the
 missing political link of the digital culture: its disengagement with
 materiality and its uncooperative nature. Networks and cooperation do
 not always fit each other. Geert Lovink and Christopher Spehr ask
 precisely this: when do networks start not to work? How do people
 starts to un-cooperate? Freedom of refusal and not-working are put by
 Lovink and Spehr at the very foundation of any collaboration (an echo
 of the Autonomist refusal to work).40
       "Free uncooperation" is the negative ontology of cooperation
 and may provide the missing link that unveils the relation with the
 consensual parasite. Furthermore, a new right and freedom to sabotage
 must be included within the notion of uncooperation to make finally
 clear also the individualistic and private gesture of "illegal" file-
 sharing. Obfuscated by the ideology of the Free, a new practice is
 needed to see clearly beyond the screen. If the positive gesture of
 cooperation has been saturated and digitalised in a neutral space,
 only a sharpened tool can reveal the movements of the parasite. As
 profit has taken the impersonal form of rent, its by-effect is the
 anonymity of sabotage. As rent changed its coordinates of the
 exploitation, a new theory of rent demands a new theory of sabotage
 before aiming to any new form of organisation. Which kind of sabotage
 is affecting the social factory? In cognitive capitalism competition
 is said to be stronger, but for the same reasons sabotage is easier,
 as the relation between the immaterial (value) and the material
 (goods) is even more fragile.
       The grey multitude of online users are simply learning a
 grammar of sabotage against capital and its concrete revenues along
 the immaterial/material conflict. To label as Free Culture the
 desolate gesture of downloading the last Hollywood movie sounds
 rather like armchair activism. If radical culture is established
 along real conflicts, a more frank question is necessary: does "good"
 digital piracy produce conflict, or simply sell more hardware and
 bandwidth? Is "good" piracy an effective hazard against real
 accumulation or does it help other kinds of rent accumulation?
 Alongside and thanks to any digital commonism, accumulation still
 runs. Nevertheless in contemporary hype there is no room for a
 critical approach or a negative tendency. A pervasive density of
 digital networks and computer-based immaterial labour is not supposed
 to bring any counter-effect. Maybe as Marx pointed out in his
 "Fragments on machines," a larger dominion of the (digital) machinery
 may bring simply an entropy and slowing down of the capitalistic
 accumulation. That means a more clouded and dense parasitic economy.
 A therapeutic doubt remains open to a dystopian destiny: is cognitive
 capitalism simply tending to slow-down capitalism instead of
 fulfilling the self-organisation of the general intellect?
       A breaking point of the capitalist accumulation is not found
 only in the cognitive rent of the music and movie corporations. The
 previous taxonomy of cognitive parasites has shown how the symbolic
 and immaterial rent affects daily life on different levels. The
 displaced multitudes of the global cities are starting right now to
 understand gentrification and how to deal with the new symbolic
 capital. In his novel Millennium People Ballard prophetically
 described the riots originating within the middle class (not the
 working class!) and targeting cultural institutions like the National
 Film Theatre in London. Less fictionally and less violently new
 tensions are rising today in East London against the urban renovation
 in preparation of the 2012 Olympics. In recent years in Barcelona a
 big mobilisation has been fighting against the gentrification of the
 former industrial district Poble Nou following the 22@ plan for a
 "knowledge-based society."41 Similarly in East Berlin the Media
 Spree42 project is trying to attract big media companies in an area
 widely renown for its cultural underground. It is not a coincidence
 then the Kafkaesque saga of Andrej Holm - an academic researcher at
 Humboldt University - who was arrested in July 2007 and accused of
 terrorism because of his research around gentrification and radical
 activism in Germany.43 As real estate speculation is one of the
 leading force of parasitic capitalism, these types of struggles and
 their connections with cultural production are far more interesting
 than any Free Culture agenda. The link between symbolic capital and
 material valorisation is symptomatic of a phenomenon which
 digitalists are not able to track and describe. The constitution of
 autonomous and productive commons does not pass through the
 traditional forms of activism and for sure not through a digital-only
 resistance and knowledge-sharing. The commons should be acknowledged
 as a dynamic and hybrid space that is constantly configured along the
 friction between material and immaterial. If the commons becomes a
 dynamic space, it must be defended in a dynamic way. Because of the
 immateriality and anonymity of rent, the grammar of sabotage has
 become the modus operandi of the multitudes trapped into the network
 society and cognitive capitalism. The sabotage is the only possible
 gesture specular to the rent - the only possible gesture to defend
 the commons.









 Matteo Pasquinelli
 Amsterdam, January 2008

 Thanks to Geert Lovink, Wietske Maas and Arianna Bove for the
 precious suggestions.

 A copy of this file can be downloaded from:
 www.rekombinant.org/mat




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 Notes:

 [ please find notes in the online PDF ]













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